If All Lives Matter, Maybe it’s Time to Stop Laughing at North Korea

North Korean soldiers at the military parade in Pyongyang of the 60th anniversary of the conclusion of the Korean War. Pyongyang, North Korea. July 2013
North Korean soldiers at the military parade in Pyongyang of the 60th anniversary of the conclusion of the Korean War. Pyongyang, North Korea. July 2013

This article originally appeared in The Berggruen Institute on Governance and The Huffington Post’s WorldPost

Hands up — who changed a Facebook pic to show solidarity with Paris? Raged about the barbarity of the gunmen? Or even, for those “tragedy hipsters” among us, bemoaned the relative indifference of Westerners to other brutal attacks in Lebanon, Kenya and now Nigeria? Me too. What about the World Food Programme’s confirmation — for the umpteenth time — that 1 in 3 North Korean children is stunted due to malnutrition? Anyone? But I bet you’ve seen that video of those “creepy” North Korean kids playing guitar.

Unlike posts about Syria and almost any other hotbed of humanitarian crises, the North Korea-related posts that “break the Internet” tend to be those making fun; of Kim Jong Un’s haircut or the nation’s tech-poverty, for example. Rather than focusing, for instance, on the fact that 2015 crop yields are down 10-15 percent in a country dogged by chronic hunger since a famine in the 1990s that wiped out up to 5 percent of the population, we delight in the apparent ridiculousness of propaganda slogans such as: “Let us turn ours into a country of mushrooms!”

In our irony-obsessed, meme-driven culture, laughing at North Korea has become a major sport. With the permeation of social media into almost every aspect of life in the last few years, quick click posts often win the day, and sadly North Korea is a country with a slew of gritty problems but a dearth of gritty images to actually illustrate them.

In our irony-obsessed, meme-driven culture, laughing at North Korea has become a major sport.

Given that the DPRK is a nation in which foreign visitors find themselves under constant surveillance, their camera images vetted — a country where the crime of unauthorized “native” journalism (North Koreans smuggling out footage of public executions, for example) is punishable by death — it is no surprise that we often see little more on the web than the sort of polished pictures available in North Korean propaganda journals themselves. Such images are fascinating and captivating of course; the goose-stepping military, the crowds bowing before the leaders’ statues. Increasingly, we’re also seeing little details that Westerners can relate to — a flash of a smartphone here or an expensive car there — evidence of a gray market-driven consumerism that has been incubating for years. These glimpses of consumer products in the DPRK are probably the most common driver of our “oh, perhaps they’re just like us” moments. Such social media favorites, often touted as “daily life in North Korea,” mostly star elites in Pyongyang, the showcase capital where 9 out of 10 North Koreans could only dream of living.

Amongst all this, we Westerners know vaguely that millions of North Koreans have suffered immeasurably, as the latest U.N. report confirms. But unlike in Paris or Syria, there are no iconic photographs to encapsulate the crisis and prick our collective conscience. There are no close-ups of emaciated labor camp prisoners — but these people exist. There are no pictures of guards enacting forced abortions and torture, unless you count the many stick drawings completed by former prisoners. There is little to connect the defector stories we’ve heard with actual images, and in the digital era, the image is almost everything. Perhaps this is one reason for North Korea’s more frequent status as joke fodder than tear-jerker. The Hermit Kingdom simply doesn’t offer the social media user an easy I’m-a-good-person share factor. But there is plenty of retweet mileage in a cleverly photoshopped meme.

Perhaps just as crucially, even if images of these reported horrors were in abundance, there would be no straightforward calls to action to caption them with. How do you solve a problem like North Korea? This seemingly impossible geopolitical conundrum is why, beyond the memes, North Korea remains mostly the preserve of professional watchers and international relations geeks. Since before the Korean War, the peninsula has been seen as somewhat of a proxy for competing interests, something that the regime in Pyongyang has always known and exploited, during the Cold War and on into these changed political times. What do you get when you cross a rogue nuclear state with one of the globe’s biggest tech powerhouses, each with their own rival world power having served as its historic sponsor (China and the USA respectively)? I don’t think anyone wants to know the punchline to that one.

At what point do memes cease to be subversive, becoming perhaps instead a rather grotesque display of privilege, since we are able to laugh so much and so often at a man whom millions are afraid of?

Last year, when a special U.N. report detailed “unspeakable atrocities” inflicted on North Korean people, the commission’s chair drew parallels with the Holocaust, warning that other nations would not have the same excuse employed around the world when the Nazi camps were liberated; namely that they “didn’t know.” Inquiry chairman Michael Kirby said: “Now the international community does know. There will be no excusing a failure of action because we didn’t know. It’s too long now. The suffering and the tears of the people of North Korea demand action.” But what should our response be?

When a personality cult helps to uphold corruption and brutality in a dictatorship, satire can be a subversive force for change — a point that The Interview movie, in its own half-witted way, was perhaps trying to make. On the other hand, despite the tide of moving defector memoirs being released and the increasing demand for information on the secretive state, in the West there is a lack of truly mass movements advocating for North Korean human rights. To illustrate: the most successful Change.org petition in the last couple of years urging China to stop its North Korean refugee repatriation policy received a total of less than 1600 signatures. On the other hand, a petition about the Yulin dog meat festival on the same website garnered over 4.3 million supporters. Add to that the World Food Programme’s revelation that it will need to extend its fundraising deadline again, because it has reached only half of its $160 million target for North Korea — and perhaps it’s time we all took a good long look at the way we conceptualize the DPRK, and if it is helpful.

Of course, giving food aid to North Korea is not without significant controversy, and perfectly illustrates the point that any discussion of the DPRK always generates more questions than it answers. But ask these questions we must, or else become mere passive consumers of other people’s suffering. Is the unending barrage of North Korea satire causing us to lose our sense of urgency with respect to the country’s humanitarian problems? At what point do memes cease to be subversive, becoming perhaps instead a rather grotesque display of privilege, since we are able to laugh so much and so often at a man whom millions are afraid of? Yeonmi Park, a North Korean defector and human rights activist recently weighed in on this, telling Westerners they lived in a comparative “paradise,” and tearfully begging for us to take North Korea’s plight seriously: “To me it’s not a joke.”

 

 
 

These are the Unseen Victims of the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict

This article originally appeared in The Berggruen Institute on Governance and The Huffington Post’s WorldPost during the Gaza conflict of 2014

EAST JERUSALEM - DECEMBER 3, 2010: Palestinian youth flee tear gas fired by Israeli police in clashes in the streets of the Al-Issawiya neighborhood protesting the demolition of homes by Israeli authorities.
EAST JERUSALEM – DECEMBER 3, 2010: Palestinian youth flee tear gas fired by Israeli police in clashes in the streets of the Al-Issawiya neighborhood protesting the demolition of homes by Israeli authorities.

“He fell in front of my eyes,” Marwan Fararjeh tells me, his voice breaking.

He’s recalling the moment when, in the biggest round of West Bank protests since the current Gaza onslaught began, Israeli forces opened fire on a group of civilians in Beit Fajjar.

A veteran nonviolent activist and former political prisoner, Marwan is used to witnessing lethal force from the Israeli army. But seeing a defenseless child shot dead inflicts a level of horror too much for almost anyone, even when you have lived and campaigned through two intifadas.

Unlike the victims of the Gaza conflict, whose charred bodies fill the feeds of social media in Western countries, these dead are part of a war you don’t see. Whether it’s anti-Hamas protesters shot in Gaza or Israeli peace activists beaten by right-wing thugs in Tel Aviv, nonviolent protest is a dangerous business in Israel/Palestine. And nowhere is this felt more acutely than in the West Bank.

  These dead are part of a war you don’t see.

“Sadly, there are those on both sides who simply don’t want peace,” Sami Awad, a leading Palestinian nonviolent activist and director of the Holy Land Trust peace NGO tells me. “We’ve had people who are part of our nonviolent work, fully committed to nonviolence, [who] have had their homes raided and every piece of furniture turned over or destroyed.”

Sami’s own work has earned him numerous arrests and beatings, not to mention vitriolic attacks in the press — including accusations of Hamas links.

Sitting in his office in an antiquated stone building in Bethlehem, I ask him about these allegations. Unflinching, he tells me: “Some senior members of Hamas came to us and said, ‘we want to know what this nonviolence thing you’re talking about is.’ And we were happy to train them.”

For activists like Sami, a willingness to engage persuasively with hard-liners shows a commitment to real change in the Territories — facing head-on the anger and mistrust that has fermented after such a long and bloody conflict. But such willingness to talk to all parties has made him enemies on both sides of the Green Line.

Israeli peace activist and comrade-in-arms Marcia Kreisel-Schwartz tells me: “For probably the majority of Israelis, (and) for many Palestinians… any cooperation with Israelis — even friendly Israelis — is seen as something that is against the Palestinian interests. (So) people like Sami and the people that he’s working with actually are in some danger, because the extreme right, or the extreme terrorist organizations, they do kill people.”

The night I met her, Marcia had come to the West Bank for a peace conference, the evening’s journey merely the latest in a string of excursions into Palestinian territory since the First Intifada. Excursions that have seen this tiny 76-year-old lady put on an Israeli government watch list, interrogated repeatedly and tear-gassed by the military.

While the world monitors the latest ceasefire anxiously, we don’t talk about the Israeli anti-war activists chased into a Tel Aviv alley and set upon by fascists.

“I know that the world doesn’t know about the Israeli left,” Marcia tells me sadly.

We don’t talk, either, about the latest West Bank marchers killed over the past weekend. Or the 11 year-old Palestinian boy shot dead last Sunday whilst playing outside his house, as advancing Israeli forces pursued protesters.

But we must. Not least because fates like these provide tinder for today’s war in Gaza, as Hamas lobs thousands of ineffective rockets into Israel that serve a symbolic purpose more than anything. The current Gaza conflict has much of its roots in West Bank grievances. Likewise, “we are all Gaza” is a phrase you hear often in the Occupied Territories these days.

For in-the-trenches activists like Marcia and Sami, real, lasting Israel-Palestine peace will be achieved not simply through treaties signed by a few men behind big desks. It will be wrought through popular protest and open, grassroots dialogue between communities. It must come from a cultural shift, in which both sides can be “rehumanized.”

“Every Israeli is afraid,” Marcia tells me. “People are afraid of the Palestinians. They are afraid of war. They are afraid of the hatred. Most of them don’t realize that it’s us that are creating the hatred…I’m trying to figure out ways to bring out the facts of the Occupation into the Israeli consciousness, in a way that it won’t be blocked out and denied.

They are afraid of the hatred. Most of them don’t realise that it’s us that are creating the hatred.

“Politicians have failed us enough times,” Sami insists. “We can develop a movement of resistance from within. We don’t need to wait for anybody. We can mobilize ourselves. We can organize ourselves. We can become proactively engaged in nonviolence.”

But as the body count for protesters continues to rise, the question is: how much longer will raising a voice mean risking a life?

Perhaps the answer lies in a recent statement made by Sarah Leah Whitson, director of the Middle East division at Human Rights Watch:

The Israeli military is responsible not only for reckless and unlawful killings in Gaza, but also for unlawfully killing Palestinian protesters in the West Bank. Because of (its) long history of operating with virtual impunity, more unlawful killings are predictable — unless Israel’s allies apply meaningful pressure.

Obama, Cameron, et al, you have your marching orders.